No, I haven’t actually read the book by Salam and Douthat. No, I am not by any means an expert on the various challenges that the Republican Party faces. But I can’t resist commenting on what I see as a misguided view of American politics:
--They say that we have to attract more working class (non-college graduate)* voters since these voters have been responsible for electing Nixon, Reagan, and Bush. Given that 67% of voters had not graduated from college as late as 1980, it is not terribly illuminating to note that Nixon and Reagan needed substantial backing from this group to win elections. In the cases of 1968 and 1980 college graduates were more likely than “working class” voters to vote Republican.
This sounds sort of like the plan Karl Rove came up with to expand the GOP coalition to include Hispanics. In that case, open border policies were justified on the grounds that they helped the GOP win 44% of the Hispanic vote in 2004. Note to Rove: 44% is still losing. It was absurd to think that introducing more poor minorities into the electorate would produce anything other than a net loss to the GOP. Similarly, sacrificing basic conservative principles on taxes, spending, and welfare (all of which would be needed to institute these guy’s pro-family reforms) in order to capture a larger share of a shrinking voting bloc does not make much sense either. Besides, we're never going to "out-welfarize" the Democrats no matter what.
--They claimed in a National Review article that the upper middle class is moving to the left:
But as America changed, so did the upper middle class, growing larger and steadily more liberal. The upheavals of the 1960s produced a generation raised in affluence but steeped in a radicalism that would diminish but not disappear with age. The causes of their youth — feminism, environmentalism, secularism, gay rights — became the orthodoxies of their adulthood, and the result was the rise of an upper-middle-class lifestyle politics defined by its rejection of mid-century social norms and its support for the new social order that the 1960s and 1970s had ushered in…
They define themselves against what they perceive as the crassness and sterility of corporate America, justifying their success as capitalists — what their younger selves might have described as “selling out” — with dollops of activism and social consciousness, and down-the-line Democratic voting…
Above all, the upper middle class has grown richer and larger and more mobile than it used to be, which in turn has insulated many of its members from the forces that used to make well-to-do voters conservative. In a sense, the post-Reagan Republican party is a victim of its own success at cutting taxes and crime and spurring economic growth — and pushing the Democrats toward the center on all three fronts. But the GOP is also a victim of the upper middle class’s success, which has made well-educated, well-off voters less sensitive to tax rates and crime rates — and just about everything else, in fact — than ever before, and left them free to vote their values rather than their investment portfolios.
What is the basis for this claim? Am I missing something here? After all, I myself came from an upper middle class/college educated/well-off family whose parents grew up in the 1960s and 1970s. Neither of them has ever expressed the slightest sympathy for feminism, secularism, gay rights, the environment, abortion, gun control, ending the death penalty, "world peace", the U.N., "activism" of any way shape or form, etc. Thanks in part to Jimmy Carter, neither of them has voted for a Democrat since 1972 (even though their parents had voted Democrat), and they aren’t voting Democrat this year either. For the record they also are still sensitive to tax and crime rates.
I’m serious, what evidence is there to support the claim that the (non-coastal) upper middle class is infatuated with social liberalism?
Now, perhaps I'm being a bit unfair since, again, I haven't read the book. But based of many reviews and articles, this is my impression.
*I assume their term includes voters with “some college” but never graduated since it would be even harder to justify claiming that Republican successes are built on those with a high school education or less.