immigration reform

Republicans Must Outflank Democrats On Immigration Reform

Immigration is a problem longing for a fix. Unfortunately, it has been accorded leper status in Washington. Too broken to leave alone but too politically perilous to touch with a ten-foot pole. One need look no further than Arizona to realize the incendiary nature of attempting to come up with an immigration solution. Where there is much to lose, there is also much to gain. That is why Republicans must take the initiative, outflank their political opponents, and craft an immigration reform plan that not only preserves conservative values but potentially captures a new bloc of conservative voters.

Republicans have long been labeled as xenophobes when it comes to immigration. It is largely the result of a debate that has been couched in between two equally unattractive views. The word “immigrant” at its worst conjures up images of people who are stealing American jobs and living off our social welfare system without paying a dime in taxes to support it. At its best, they are unskilled laborers, doing the jobs Americans won’t do while living off our social welfare system without paying a dime in taxes to support it. Either way, not exactly a rosy picture. With this mindset, Republicans are doomed to forever fight an uphill battle when it comes to standing behind a viable, working option for immigration reform.

Sadly, without such reform Republicans will be doomed to wander the political wilderness. The fact is Hispanics will be a majority in this country by as soon as 2050. To remain a viable political party you will eventually have to capture this growing voting pool. Fortunately, and many Republicans don’t understand this, Hispanic-Americans tend to be conservative. In 2006 pollster David Winston asked registered voters to rate themselves on a 1 to 9 scale from very liberal to very conservative. Winston found that Hispanic Americans viewed themselves were more conservative than the rest of an already center-right country.

They are a natural source of votes but we’ve got to wise up to capture them.

This is where I’m going to lose some of you. But let me go ahead and say, wising up does not equal selling out. I understand that a party is about more than politics, it is about principle. Fortunately, reforming our stance on immigration isn’t just good politics, it meshes perfectly with conservative principles. But, it will require a change in mindset.

We’ve all heard the melting pot argument. That the United States is a nation of immigrants, melting together to form the essential fabric that binds us to this nation. All true, but very blah. Even with this argument immigration bas become a convoluted issue, existing as the enormous elephant in the room. Grasping the “melting pot” argument relies on a sense of history and fairness – concepts that are intangible and don’t really come with any personal benefits. Today, with unemployment staying stubbornly high and deficits clouding our fiscal future, it is a much easier to argue that illegal immigrants are taking our jobs and eating up our taxes. So what can we do to reframe the debate?

Republicans should put forward an immigration reform package that promises to increase jobs, lower the number of unskilled immigrants, and boosts the number of taxpayers. Sounds conservative. Now, what if I told you it could be done in a way palatable to Hispanic voters.

The first step is to change the make-up of our immigrant population. “Unskilled” and “immigrant” are too often viewed as inseparable. It needn’t be this way. After all you wouldn’t view Albert Einstein this way. But imagine how many fewer jobs America would have without people like these:

  • Jerry Yang – Taiwanese founder of Yahoo
  • Sergey Brin – Russian founder of Google
  • Andrew Grove – Hungarian founder of Intel
  • Andrew Carnegie – Scottish business mogul
  • Levi Strauss – German inventor of blue Jeans
  • John Kluge – German owner of Metromedia – one of largest privately held companies in the US

Immigrants success extends much deeper. A study by Harvard researcher Vivek Wawha found that “one in four engineering and technology companies founded between 1995 and 2005 had an immigrant founder. We found that these companies employed 450,000 workers and generated $52 billion in revenue in 2006.” Moreover, foreign nationals residing in the United States represented 25.6 percent of all patent applications. In Silicon Valley, one of the primary entrepreneurial centers in the United States, 52 percent of tech and engineering companies were founded by an immigrant.

Immigrants do not have to be the job takers. They can be the job creators. But first we have to create an immigration policy capable of attracting and harnessing their talents. One way to do that would be to change the H-1B visa system. The visa, which is provided for immigrants that want to work in the U.S., has helped draw the top talent in the international work force. Unfortunately, as Darrel West argues in the Wall Street Journal,

“[O]nly 15% of our annual visas are now set aside for employment purposes. Of these, some go to seasonal agricultural workers, while a small number of H-1B visas (65,000) are reserved for “specialty occupations” such as scientists, engineers, and technological experts.”

65,000. That’s it. Applications for this type of visa are normally gone within the first two days of the application period. In other words, while the H-1B visa should be luring the best and the brightest international talent, we are shutting off the tap. The Cato Institute argues that such a low cap “is hampering output, especially in high-technology sectors, and forcing companies to consider moving production offshore.” The expansion should not be limited to H-1Bs. Other skilled worker visas such as the L-1, which allows foreign workers to relocate to a multi-national corporation’s US office, and O-1, which allows aliens with “extraordinary abilities” in a particular field, should also be emphasized and revised.

Given the inherent power of these visas to actually create jobs why has the government been so slow to change it? Partially because of the misperception of so many voters who believe that increasing quotas will take away jobs from Americans. This logic doesn’t have a basis in fact. As Cato explains:

“Fears that H-1B workers cause unemployment and depress wages are unfounded. H-1B workers create jobs for Americans by enabling the creation of new products and spurring innovation. High-tech industry executives estimate that a new H-1B engineer will typically create demand for an additional 3-5 American workers.

This is the chance for Republicans to take the lead on immigration. Republicans have long been thought to have lost the debate – and have the lack of minority support to prove it.  The key to winning the support and turning the debate around is to focus on immigrants as realistic and viable solution to the economic trouble. Immigration reform could be the jobs bill we’ve all been waiting for and with a price-tag much cheaper than the so-called stimulus.

by Brandon Greife, Political Director of the College Republican National Committee

http://speakout.crnc.org/blog/2010/07/26/republicans-must-outflank-democrats-on-immigration-reform/

Thoughts on Immigration

I've been reading through Warner Todd Huston's latest post on immigration reform.  True enough, the matter needs to be addressed, but I believe the alternatives offered by Mr. Huston fall short of what is truly needed.  I would like to offer another choice.

But first, I would like to quote the article linked:

[W]e need to take back our schools from the extreme left that now runs them.

I couldn't agree more.

That said, I would now like to disagree.

I think this breaking-down into two camps of the business-oriented vs. the nativists forms a false dichotomy.  Maybe these are the most vocal of the various proposals, but not by any means the best.

I grew up in New Mexico, and I've known illegal immigrants, and worked alongside them.

I'm also planning on going to Alberta this summer to work in a refinery there.

There's no way I would ever think of violating Canadian law in order to go work in Alberta.  It's a bit more difficult these days, with the paperwork requirements, than what I've heard the old-timers talk about.  But that's the way it's done.

I don't buy into this idea that illegal immigrants do jobs that Americans just won't do.  For someone, somewhere, having that job is going to be a step up.  Maybe it's the pay scale which is at fault.

Illegal immigration is properly a human rights issue.  These are people living without protection of the law, whether it's labor law, or any other type of law.

Say there's rancher with a place in Texas not too far from the border.  There's a family of Mexicans that come through, and you let them stay in an old run-down house out in one of your fields somewhere so they can work on your property for dirt cheap, roughly 1/3 of minimum wage.  The house has no electricity or running water.

One day, the rancher takes it into mind that he wants to have sex with the daughter, a 12-year old girl.  He rides out to say, "I want to take her with me, or I'm going to send you home."  Her family tells her, "You have to go with the white man to the big house."  She's scared, and she doesn't want to, but everyone in her family is telling her that she has to do this, and that this is right.

It happens.  It's likely happening right now.

There's no quicker way to have sex with a 12-year old girl than to have a ranch somewhere close to the border.

What protection is there?  Where is the law?

My brother worked with a Czech in Louisiana.  There were some people that were bringing these people in through Chicago for $5000.  They find them a place to live, among other illegals.  They find them a job where they work among other illegals, so they never get the chance to learn the language.  They take a cut of their wages to pay for bringing them here.  After the first $5000 is paid off, they are then told that they owe another $5000.  That's the way it works.

What I'm saying here is that human trafficking and others complicit in the exploitation need to be held accountable.  Until then, any talk of the lawlessness of the matter amounts to kicking the little guy in the nuts while shaking the hands of the worst offenders.

Illegal immigration is properly a human rights issue, and it needs to be addressed as such.  When conservatives are ready to take the lead in human rights, then they can have immigration.  Until then, they can only be seen as mean-spirited isolationists or evil-hearted exploiters.

There's no need to alienate minorities in claiming this matter as our own.

2010 Predictions

Since we are about to come to the end of the year (and decade), I think it is worthwhile to put some predictions down before anything happens in 2010.  I hope to hear some of yours in the comments:

1. 2010 will be a wave election, reminiscent of 1994.  At this moment, Rothenberg Political Report estimates that Republicans will pick up 15-20 seats in the House, and an unspecified small gain in the Senate.  Charlie Cook predicts solid pickups for the GOP, but somewhat less than taking back the House.  I'm inclined to think that the turnover will be on the higher side.  The popular outrage over the unpopular health care plan and the seeming disregard for public opinion will create the conditions for a conservative populist uprising.  One thing to remember about 1994 was that it was the election that finished the realignment in the South, something that is no longer much of a concern (beyond a few stray Blue Dogs).  For similar gains (54 seats), Republicans will have to win seats in areas like the Rocky Mountains, the Midwest, and Suburban Northeast.  Republicans need 40 seats to win back the House.  I think the odds of that are 50-50.

2.  The epicenter of the wave will be Arkansas.  There is no state in America that John McCain ran so well compared to George W. Bush's 2004 performance.  Arkansas was 3 percent more Republican than the nation in 2004; it was 13 points more Republican than the nation in 2008.  Arkansas was always a traditional hard scrabble Jacksonian Democrat state, economically populist and socially traditional.  Unlike most Southern states, there is still a conservative Democrat presence on the state and local level.  Currently both Senators and 3 of 4 Representatives are Democrats, putting them in a precarious position in a state shifting sharply to the right.  It's three Democrats hold seats that are R+5, R+7, and R+8.  Blanche Lincoln is trailing essentially annonymous state legislators across the board.  I think any serious Republican challenger could beat any Democrat in Arkansas next year.  Arkansas in 2010 will be like Texas in 1994 and Georgia in 2002, the year in which the realignment on the local level is completed.

3.  There could be another party defection or two.  Parker Griffith's switch today is a rare thing, but a toxic political environment for Blue Dog Democrats could tempt some to switch parties.  Would you really be shocked if Bobby Bright (D-AL) or another Southern Democrat flip to save their seats?  There were a series of party switches after 1994, though the South is more solidly Republican now than back then.

4.  Moderate suburban counties will swing back to Republicans.  In 2009 elections, we saw a definite swing towards the GOP in crucial suburban counties.  Bob McDonnell won the heavily populated Fairfax County in Virginia, while Chris Christie won Middlesex and Burlington Counties.  Less noticed were statewide judicial elections in Pennsylvania and county elections in New York State, where Republicans won competitive elections in suburban Philadelphia and New York City.  All of these were counties that the Republican Party was supposed to be incapable of winning, possibly forever.  That narrative didn't even last a year.  I think we will see some surprising successes in places Republicans may have written off in past years.

5.  The Democratic agenda will be practically paralyzed after the health care fiasco.  The health care "reform" process has taken over a half of a year.  Anyone remember when Obama set a deadline of the end of July for a health care deal?  I think no one in the White House realized how difficult and drawn out this process would be.  Now, Obama's first year has passed and he only got around to addressing two items on his agenda.  He hasn't addressed the major problem of unemployment (the stimulus didn't do that effectively).  My guess for what Obama will do is to focus more on fixing the economy (as he should) and I think he will go after the immigration issue.  The White House will do this because it has divided the Republican Party in the past and it needs something to stop the Republican momentum.  Its not a bad gambit, but I think immigration will be different than 2006-2007 because Republicans are no longer in power and have no obligation to a president with a different agenda.  It could actually be divisive towards the Democratic Party.  Immigration cuts along elite/populist lines more than left/right.  I think Dems may be miscalculating if this is the case.

6.  Marco Rubio wins the Florida Senate primary and the general election.  As of right now, the Rubio-Crist primary is about tied, which is a massive upset considering Crist's high name ID.  Look for this race to open up wide in Rubio's favor early in the year, prompting Crist to make one of two choices: drop out and try to re-enter the Governor's race or change parties and win the Democratic primary easily over the hapless Kendrick Meek.  I'm not familiar with Florida election law, so I don't know when primary races have to be finalized.  While Crist is less to the left than Arlen Specter was, he evidences little principle, and a party switch into an easy primary victory wouldn't surprise me.  But I think in either case Rubio wins and becomes the face of the November 2010 victories.

"Principled", "Solutions-Driven" US Senate Candidate Ryan Frazier Speaks Out

(Co-authored by El Presidente and Ben DeGrow)

We were privileged with the opportunity last Saturday to sit down and conduct an exclusive half-hour two-on-one interview with Republican U.S. Senate candidate Ryan Frazier (Frazier's two GOP primary contenders are Weld County district attorney Ken Buck and businessman Cleve Tidwell). The conversation was wide-ranging and informative. We left with a clearer picture of the candidate's vision and the campaign's direction.

We began by bringing up a recent article in The Hill that portrayed Frazier as part of a "band of centrists", and asked him what he thought of the characterization. He responded: "I'm Ryan Frazier, and I do what I believe to be right. I've never been much for labels.... I'll leave the labeling to the press." Though he did choose the word "principled" to describe his philosophy, he was fairly adamant about not being categorized into a box.

Nor did Frazier express any dismay that Beltway Republican Party bigwigs have taken a wait-and-see approach to his candidacy (all the better in light of NRSC's recent Florida endorsement): "I'm not really concerned about folks in Washington DC. I never expected to be their number one choice. As a matter of fact, I think that's why our candidacy can be so significant. Because we're not the establishment. We are a grassroots campaign.... I'm not as concerned about whether they think I'm a top choice."

Frazier added that his coalition building is anything but traditional for a Republican candidate in Colorado, as he stressed the bottom-line focus of his early campaign strategy: "It's building the base, period. That's my goal. And I'm not talking about just purely a Republican base. I have to build a Colorado base of support that spans Republicans, unaffiliateds, and Democrats....I'm going to take a very non-traditional route toward building the base." That route will be premised on “ideas and specific solutions” that rise above party affiliation.

Frazier also elaborated on the nature true grassroots movements in leading the resurgence of fiscally responsible, limited government, and individual freedom-inspired candidates nationwide. “What they represent is a movement, something that the center-right has not seen in some time,” Frazier explained. He continued, “This movement is critical to my campaign . . . but also critical to restoring Republican fiscal responsibility, and move this country in a better direction.”

Now, certainly, Frazier would prefer to be the candidate representing the Republican Party in challenging Michael Bennet in 2010. But in any case, he laid out a pretty clear, 3-point roadmap of the incumbent appointee's clearest weaknesses:

  1. Education: In particular, Michael Bennet's abandonment of disadvantaged kids by throwing the D.C. voucher program under the bus (more recently, Bennet told Denver Post columnist Vincent Carroll that the program is a "here today, gone tomorrow" argument).
  2. EFCA, also known as the union card-check bill. Of course, Bennet's indecisiveness on this issue has approached legendary status. Frazier noted that no matter what happens going forward, Bennet has already identified himself by his long delay in making a decision on this "extremely poor policy".
  3. "He's been going around the state touting Obama's budget as if somehow it's the best thing since peanut butter & jelly sandwiches." Frazier added that this clearly aligns the Democrat incumbent with "fiscal irresponsibility" and mounting deficits and debt.

Frazier touched on other specific issues: "I believe that in a Republican primary the issue of immigration will play a role.... That said, ultimately only practical solutions to the issue of immigration I think will win the day." Among the ideas he touted were scrapping the 3-year and 10-year rules for re-entry to create an incentive for voluntary self-deportation, and establishing a non-immigrant visa for service workers. He recognized that the issue is a strong suit for primary opponent Ken Buck, but is counting on a move toward smart solutions over heated rhetoric to hold his own.

As to the big deal that has been made out of his apparently unorthodox views on social issues, Frazier had a couple important things to say. First, he denied rumors that his views were anything but "pro-life". While we didn't have time to dig deeper into more specific issues in the abortion debate, he did state: "When it comes to the issue of life, I'm very supportive of strict constructionist judges....You can argue about Roe v Wade and the outcome. But if you look at it just on the basis of the law, the fact is the Constitution is silent on the matter, and as such the Tenth Amendment should apply."

Second, he stood firm on his position in defense of granting employee benefits to same-sex couples. "It doesn't mean I'm abandoning my principles." As he also stands against the idea of gay marriage, we don't see this position as being any sort of deal-breaker with the vast majority of conservatives in Colorado.

When asked about the importance of getting his early strong endorsement from the Associated Builders and Contractors of Western Colorado -- very early, and the first for anyone in the race -- Frazier said: "Their support early on is instrumental to 1) continue to build support and 2) to raise the money it's going to take to be competitive to win." Frazier earned the endorsement not just for the contested Republican primary, but for US Senate, period. The association of businessmen and women on the western side of Colorado believe Frazier is a pro-business, free market candidate that will "aid in returning our economy to an emergent, healthy and vibrant environment," and will not simply be "a no vote."

Frazier did observe from his early fundraising calls, however, that the state of the economy has affected the amounts certain donors traditionally have been able to give. The race may require 20 million dollars to win, but a less than optimal fiscal climate might skew those numbers. On the other hand, Frazier noted, the numbers could rise if the race is perceived as strongly competitive (a necessary retention for Democrats, a viable pickup for Republicans) and is pushed into the top 2 or 3 Senate races nationwide in terms of visibility and swing potential as the “eyes of the nation are focused on Colorado.”

As far as the economy's possible effect on the broader success of his campaign themes and electoral chances, Frazier adroitly noted: "Certainly there are going to be those if the economy gets better they're going to say the Democrats are in charge when it got better. But I would always remind people that when the Democrats were in control it got worse, as well. It's not a matter of the Democrats, it's a matter of confidence by the American people that the economy can and will get better tomorrow than it is today."

“I believe it will come down to this in 2010—who has the best ideas and who can connect with the people—these will ultimately be the deciding factors,” concluded Frazier.

Frazier closed out our talk with an emphasis on the fact that he is "solutions-driven", clearly a theme that appeared throughout his answers. To address what keeps him going on the rigorous campaign schedule that hampers his business and family commitments, he eloquently summed up the case for his candidacy: "I do want to see a better Colorado and a better America where our taxes are low, where our rights are protected, our Constitution is upheld, and our country is defended. Those are the things that motivate me."

Undoubtedly, the young Aurora city councilman, entrepreneur, and father of three has a lot of work cut out for him, but as he begins to make a national impression, Ryan Frazier is on track to make a strong showing.

Thanks to Ryan for making time, and thanks to those who helped set up the meeting.

Tackling illegal immigration

There seems little doubt that illegal immigration is the single most divisive issue among conservatives.  There's a sense among border hawks that anyone who doesn't adopt an enforcement-only position on the matter has caved to political correctness and sold out the nation's sovereignty in the name of feel-good policies and rhetoric.  Then, there are those who are uncomfortable with the rhetoric that has been employed by border hawks and resent the feeling that they're being ideologically bullied into accepting a harsh view of Hispanics in general in order to avoid being tarred as a criminal coddling one-worlder.

Over the course of the debate, the thing that stands out is that, generally speaking, the depth of passion with regard to the issue is directly attributable to the individual's proximity to the problem.  People who live in border states naturally feel much more strongly about illegal immigration than those who live in the nation's interior and aren't force to confront the fallout of uncontrolled immigration.  And, so, the problem becomes one of perspective.  You can't expect someone who lives in a rural town in North Dakota to have the same experience as someone who lives in San Antonio or Los Angeles.

That's not to say that people who live in the nation's interior don't feel strongly about the issue.  There are those who live in Wisconsin Dells who will grow positively livid at the mere mention of the subject.  By the same token, there are conservatives (albeit, not many) in Brownsville, Texas who shudder at the thought of a Tancredoesque immigration policy.  Invariably, the most passionate group on either side tends to dictate the terms of debate, and neither side seems interested in discussing anything beyond the deepest principles upon which they base their views, and the best way to see those principles reflected in policy.

Those who hold the most restrictionist view do so based on the idea that the law is the law, and if there is no respect for one portion of the law, then it heralds a breakdown of the entire system and undermines the most basic element of an orderly society.  Those who hold a more relaxed approach tend to do so based on the idea that part of America's unique character is its generally welcoming attitude toward foreigners and the belief that anyone who comes here and is willing to put forth the effort and play by the rules can contribute to the greatest, most successful experiment in human history.

Ah, but there's the sticking point:  "play by the rules".  It is, after all, a crucial part of the equation.  And, whether we like it or not, illegal immigrants are here as a result of a failure to play by the rules.  Consequently, they have bypassed one of the basic elements of the experiment -- often at the expense of those who go to the not-inconsiderable trouble observe all of the elements.  Understandably, many people find this grossly unfair, and it infuriates them.

Still, there is the issue of the rhetoric employed in advocating a more restrictionist posture.  When an issue divides people into camps based on principles that are so basic as law and order versus freedom and opportunity, it is inevitable that passions will become inflamed.  It is made even worse when the two sides are divided by virtue of having to see the direct consequences of uncontrolled immigration as opposed to seeing the benefits of high levels of immigration. 

A lettuce farmer in Arizona sees hardworking people who will work for lower wages than the teenagers who would prefer to work in the service industry rather than spend his days sweating in a field.  Young parents see their children learning Spanish from the little Mexican girl who just moved in down the street, and her parents seem like honest, hardworking people.

Meanwhile, a framing carpenter in Bakersfield, California sees his opportunities diminish because he can't get a decent-paying job as a result of an influx of low-paid Mexicans who are wiling to work for low wages and get by on the bare minimum so that he can send his pay back across the border to his family so that they can eventually come and stay in the U.S.  Or, a struggling middle class family sits in a hospital waiting room for hours hoping for their child to be seen by a doctor at some point in the near future, fearing they'll be given the bum's rush because they don't have insurance.  And, find themselves in a room with people who don't speak English and obviously don't have insurance either getting the same treatment, if not better, and knowing that the government will be picking up their tab.

It is clearly obvious that something needs to be done.  Native born Americans are growing resentful, and not without good reason, at the seeming disregard with which they see themselves being treated by their government.  If this continues unaddressed, the resentments will grow, and all of the nightmare scenarios that pro-immigrant groups point to as looming threats will undoubtedly come to fruition.  And, there is absolutely no reason that this has to be the case.

As conservatives, we all agree that centralized government is bad government.  It is far removed from the people it serves, and it has repeatedly proven itself to be utterly clumsy and oafish with regard to dealing with localized problems.  And, at least in its most extreme cases, illegal immigration is a localized problem.  Why should it be addressed through a centralized bureaucracy like Immigration and Customs Enforcement?

Back in the days leading up to the Republican takeover of Congress in 1994, one of the most compelling arguments that Republicans made was that government should be closer to the people.  As a result, there was as rash of proposals for government reform geared toward that end.  Why can't illegal immigration be a part of that kind of reform?

I would submit that the problem would be best addressed in the way that crime in general was addressed by the Contract with America.  It seems to me, as a conservative, that having the power to enforce our immigration laws centralized and funded through a bloated bureaucracy like ICE, and throwing more money at it every year with minimal results and the inevitable kick-in of the law of diminishing returns, is a terrible idea.

How about turning to federalism?  How about, instead of funding what hasn't worked for so long, returning to what we know works?  Why not, instead of rewarding ICE for years of failure and ineptitude, we take some of the money that is being spent on what hasn't worked, put it into block grants to fund local enforcement agencies to deal with the problem?  The money would then be targeted toward places where the problem is most keenly felt, and it would be used by people who are most familiar with their particular situation, rather than a heavily centralized body that is by nature a victim of inertia?

Some money could be directed toward the facilities that would inevitably be needed to house and process the illegal immigrants that are apprehended if local enforement officials deem it necessary.  Some could be directed toward training local officers in immigration law, or even Spanish language education.  Whatever it is that the local community needs, they're more likely to know it than a bureaucrat it D.C.

And, finally, what makes decentralization work is that it creates an opportunity for ideas to be generated by people closest to the situation.  The more successful ideas could then serve as models for other areas that are hard-hit by the woes that accompany uncontrolled immigration.  They could choose to focus on whatever symptom of the problem has proven to be the most vexing within their own communities, rather than have it dictated and enforced by people with no familiarity to their own unique situations.  And, finally, those communities wherein illegal immigration has not proven to be a real problem wouldn't have reason to fear the prospect of the government swooping down on them and disrupting their lives.

I don't contend that this is the entire solution to the problem.  But, it at least addresses the issue in a way that conservatives can all support in good conscience, and provides relief to those who most desperately need it, and a measure of peace of mind for those who are alarmed whenever they see the looming shadow of the heavy hand of government descending upon their lives and communities.  At the very least, it seems to provide room to breathe for all of us.

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