the future of the Right

An Agenda of Equal Opportunity - Part 2: Looking Beyond Government Transparency and Ethics

In Part 1 of this subject, I discussed the Agenda of Equal Opportunity as a new "Contract with America" that could coalesce old principles and new ideas together to unite different sectors of the conservative movement; reach out to independents, conservative Democrats, ethnic minorities and young voters; and allow for a lively platform debate not only on the national level, but also at the state level.

A couple days ago, Jon asked the following: "What policy should Republicans be advocating and pursuing to limit government and regain popular support?" Aaron Marks had a partial answer to that question by talking about reviving the economy through free market principles. David Brooks and Bill Kristol have recently argued that government has grown to be too big and too entrenched, especially in a time of recession, for us to successfully argue for principles of freedom and less government. It's surprising to see that folks like Brooks and Kristol, self-identified conservative intellectuals, have conceded the intellectual battleground on the proper role of government.

Then I read an interesting column from Robert Samuelson in Newsweek a couple weeks ago, defending lobbying as "democracy in action." His observations are thought-provoking:

We here in Washington are anticipating a stampede of lobbyists, influence peddlers, media consultants, paid "experts" and self-styled crusaders. Who brought us this onslaught of special pleaders? Why it's Barack Obama, the man who vowed to "change" how Washington works and banish from the political arena all those "special interests" that were depicted as a form of lowlife. Well, this is one Obama promise doomed to fail.

The only way to eliminate lobbying and special interests is to eliminate government. The more powerful government becomes, the more lobbying there will be. So, paradoxically, Obama's ambitions for more expansive government will promote special pleading. You need only watch the response to the expected "economic stimulus" plan—totaling perhaps $700 billion—to verify this eternal truth. A LOBBYING FRENZY FOR FEDERAL FUNDS headlined a Washington Post story. The auto-industry bailout has inspired a similar swarming.

I couldn't have said it any better.

In Part 1, I proposed that the three principles of an Agenda of Equal Opportunity should be (1) promoting freedom, (2) fighting for accountability and the rule of law, and (3) branding smaller government as "smarter" government, and vice versa. Along with the thoughts of Samuelson, these principles can be combined to start a serious intellectual discussion and debate about government reform and the proper role of government.

Soren started this discussion earlier, trying to prod the GOP into adopting a transparency and ethics agenda. And today, Jon made the valid argument that the deeds of Gov. Rod Blagojevich are a "matter of routine" with Congress when it comes to earmarks and pork. While these items do put us on the political offensive, they don't necessarily put is on the intellectual or public policy offensive. Sure, in order to put us in that position, any government reform package has to be sweeping and comprehensive. (But the want of any "comprehensiveness" of any government reform legislation should not prevent us from making little reforms here and there.) What principles and policies should we put out there?

  • Earmark Reform: While not comprehensive, pork is probably here to stay. So let's make the process of requesting pork transparent throughout the entire budgeting process.
  • Budget Reform: This can be comprehensive. The Federal Government passes separate budgets for different bureacracies at different times. The line between operational costs and capital costs of government is blurred. Somehow, the federal government needs to pass operational and capital budgets separately to know exactly what the day-to-day operations of government costs, and what long term projects that government has alloted.
  • Bureacratic Reform: We need to develop some sort of system that tracks, in a detailed fashion, the "performance" of government agencies so that we can know what works and what doesn't. Each agency should be required to submit substantive goals they want to achieve in the next one, two and five years with the money they request. If those agencies don't achieve satisfactory completion of those goals, they should get less money or go "out-of-business" for being inept. If those agencies do achieve those goals, or go beyond them, they should be rewarded. (That's how it works in the private sector.) Kristina Rasmussen of the National Taxpayers Union talks about a similar existing accountability review system in an opinion piece in The Hill. By the way, the Pentagon should not be excluded from this type of bureacratic reform, even if Republicans fight against it.
  • Tax Reform: Is it really impossible to get rid of the excessive progressivity in our tax code? Maybe. But one thing that can be done is to reduce the complexity of the tax code. One of the reasons why there are so many lobbyists is that government can choose who to reward and who to punish in a very quiet, but powerful manner through the tax code, whether they be credits, deductions, exclusions, etc. We can debate the flat tax vs. fair tax proposals, but one thing is clear: individuals and businesses should make decisions based on the market, not based on the tax code.

So how does all of this relate to the Agenda of Equal Opportunity? Simple. Not only is it government's job to provide equal opportunity (and not equal outcomes) through the law, substantively. It is also government's job to provide equal opportunity procedurally through the daily operations of government. The principles involved are just as simple, and are easy to communicate:

  • Money is not the fix-all to all of society's and government's problems. Everybody knows that throwing money at a problem doesn't necessarily create a solution. In order to create equal opportunity for those interested in using government money wisely, government should adopt "investment principles" instead of "spending priorities," paying attention to outputs as well as inputs of government agencies.
  • Smaller government means smarter government, and vice versa. Smaller, smarter government doesn't only mean reducing the size of government. It also means government regulating the externalities of market forces, not the market itself.
  • Government should not be in the business of picking winners and losers. (This is the tie-in to Samuelson's argument.) When government does pick winners and losers, through the tax code or the budget or the administrative code, it can lead to problems. "Special interests" don't create problems for government; bigger government leads to more "special interests."

I'm sure individuals, businesses and other organizations don't want to spend money for lobbyists. So instead of relying on who can get the best lobbyist inside the Beltway, instead of trying to compete for the attention of lawmakers, instead of attempting to get the government to distort the market in their favor, the American people should rely on their creativity and ingenuity to compete and succeed in society. All government needs to do is give them the equal opportunity to do so. A smaller, smarter government that can truly provide equal opportunity will also be a "cleaner" government. Let's not concede the intellectual battleground on the size and the role of government ... especially now!

An Agenda of Equal Opportunity: The New Contract with America?

Today's style section in the Washington Post features newly minted House Minority Whip, Congressman Eric Cantor. He seems to be decidedly undecided on what can move the GOP forward in upcoming election cycles:

On his nightstand, Cantor heaps prescriptions for his ailing party: "Comeback: Conservatism That Can Win Again," by David Frum, formerly a speechwriter for President Bush; "The Grand New Party: How Republicans Can Win the Working Class and Save the American Dream," by Ross Douthat and Reihan Salam. He pores over newspaper columns, he says, seeking wisdom "from the George Wills of the world, the Bill Kristols of the world, the Charles Krauthammers of the world."

"I'm very fixated on trying to determine what went wrong and how we can fix it," he says over toasted cheese sandwiches and tuna melts at a pharmacy diner here.

But the answers aren't east to find.

He keeps looking.

"Nobody," he says, "is right on the money yet."

(Is there a difference between "grilled cheese" and "toasted cheese" sandwiches?) Anyhow, let me humbly attempt to present a "prescription" that Cantor and others could consider.

There have been a lot of healthy debates on this site, most of which I've been proud to contribute to: how to view and use new media, fixing the movement vs. resetting the movement, top-down idea creation vs. grassroots idea growth. Michael Turk asked a few weeks ago: which comes first - ideas for message? The answer is clear: ideas. But it means that we have to increase our intellectual capacity and creativity with both the ideas and the messaging of those ideas. Example: McCain Health Tax Credit = Good Idea; McCain's Explanation of His Plan = Terrible.

Like Newt Gingrich's Contract with America in 1994, Republicans need to coalese our principles and our ideas into a unifying theme: An Agenda of Equal Opportunity. With a specific set of economic issues, Congressmen Paul Ryan and Eric Cantor have made good attempts with the Roadmap for America's Future and the Middle Class Bill of Rights, respectively. But, of course, there are more than economic issues, more than fiscal conservatives in the movement, and many principles tied to those issues. Having our unifying theme being an Agenda of Equal Opportunity can battle the New "New Deal" that the Obama administration is and will be presenting. Let's take a look at the principles, the issues, the infrastructure and the reasons why this theme might work.

Responding to a Big News Day on the GOP's Future

Bottom Line Up Front: The next leadership group of the GOP must rise above the different wings of the party. Political inclusiveness, public policy creativity, long term strategic thinking and risk-taking are the characteristics I'll be looking for in a chairman/minority leader.

I am now a proud coalition member of RebuildTheParty.com, and today's newspapers are highlighting stories and opinion pieces on the future of the GOP. Adam Nagourney of the New York Times writes an all-encompassing piece on the upcoming RGA meeting in Miami as well as leadership battles for the RNC chairmanship and Congressional minority leadership positions. Newt Gingrich points out that "the party would be wiser to offer a broad idea of what it stood for and how it would lead the country, and pick its battles carefully." Gingrich and former Maryland Lt. Governor and current GOPAC chairman are privately seeking the RNC chairmanship, according to Ralph Hallow of the Washington Times. One of the sticking points seems to focus on how to emulate Howard Dean's 50 State Strategy:

"Republicans, especially state party leaders, have become envious of the organization and money that Mr. Dean's operation deployed in two victorious election cycles in which Democrats regained and expanded control of Congress and captured the White House.

"Republicans agree that their national party is leaderless and in desperate need of someone who has the force of personality and history of accomplishments to command national attention to take on Mr. Obama. Someone is also needed to unite disparate factions that, even in the best of times, generate internal friction among themselves."

I've written before on the importance of building a GOP Farm Team, but a little disappointed with the few responses to questions I had for state party chairs. Patrick recently urged us to "expand the map" by coming up with a 435 District Strategy. There were 8 op-eds today on the future of the GOP, 6 of them in the Wall Street Journal, that deserve some thought and response.

Conservatism under glass

It happened in 2006, it is already starting this year, and there is no reason to think that we won’t be doing it in 2010: the ubiquitous argument that the Republican Party failed small-c conservatism.  

“We didn’t govern as conservatives!” we hear reliably from National Review, The Weekly Standard and the old-line conservative blogs. “The problem isn’t with the ideology, it’s with the fact that Republicans sell out on major issues.” While that kind of talk is a great way for the authors to offload responsibility for failure on Election Day, it does nothing to advance either the conservative movement or the party.
 
The only viable political vehicle for conservatism in 2008 America is the GOP. If it fails, conservatism fails. Deal with it.
 
Keeping conservatism under glass and separate from the Republican Party insures that these thinkers and writers never ask themselves the hard questions.  Questions like how the public wants its government to behave and how well conservative policies that have actually been implemented work in practice. As a result, we learn nothing when we lose elections.
 
Think about it: the “conservatism has never really been tried” argument sounds suspiciously like a campus communist after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Soviet communism wasn’t a “real” implementation of Marx’s theories, he claims, to an increasingly small audience. In real life, Marxism turns into oppression, stagnation and war. In real life, conservatives (generally) run as Republicans and have to compromise on judges, immigration and everything else while still trying to win elections with a consistent message.  This is the world we live in.
 
So what’s the takeaway message? Treat conservatism not as an orthodoxy based around the pronouncements of Hayek, Friedman and Limbaugh that punishes apostates and shirks responsibility for real-world results, but as a tool to best run America. 
 
Winners govern. Inquisitors, bloviators and true believers who are unwilling to get their hands dirty lose.
 
Some folks would prefer to be part of an ideologically pure niche that will never be held responsible for anything. I’d like to win.

 

Beyond the Endorsement: How the Right Should React to Colin Powell

Bottom Line Up Front: The Right needs to rethink and reshape our style, substance, and strategy based on the opportunities and challenges that face us now. Evolve or die.

Colin Powell's endorsement of Barack Obama today was one of the three "ouches" Moe Lane pointed out on RedState, the other two being the $150M raised by Obama last month and the 100K strong crowd for Obama in St. Louis.

Nobody should take much stock in endorsements, and this wasn't unexpected. Plus, I think John McCain can do a lot more with the aftermath of Obama's conversation with Joe the Plumber than Obama can do with Powell's endorsement.

But Powell does mention a few things that are worth noting and reacting to.

We Need to Move Beyond Reagan

Bottom Line Up Front: No matter what America's short term future holds (a liberal White House, a liberal Congress, etc.), the long term future of the conservative movement depends on our ability to evolve in substance and unify around principles, not personalities.

Anybody who blogs on this site can list the reasons why they're an American conservative. In fact, many conservatives who don't blog, or those who don't even know what a blog is, can list their reasons with an adequate level of logic in their explanation. But not every conservative is called to be part of a conservative movement; or, more importantly, not every conservative is attracted to be a participant of one or more parts of the conservative movement.

The reason I was attracted to the conservative movement as a student at the beginning of this decade was because I felt that the Right, significantly more so than the Left, had a better combination of message and infrastructure that could consistently win elections and legislative battles. One of the reasons why? It seemed to me at the time that the Right was a lot more concerned with principles than personalities when it came to political battles, the old cliche being that "Democrats fall in love, and Republicans fall in line." The Right has lost this advantage, not only because of the Democrats have successfully evolved their infrastructure to fit modern times, as Jon Henke notes; conservatives have also become intellectually lazy. Case in point: our movement's continuing love affair with Ronald Reagan.

50 State Strategy: Getting On-the-Ground Perspectives

Sorry to interrupt the VP discussion and debate party, but on to more important things ...

I will be going to the Minneapolis a week from now as part of the Alaska delegation, and I can't be more excited for my first convention. As I think about all of the different delegations I'll be meeting, I realized that many of our counterparts inside the Beltway on other blogs have made bald assertions and claims about the differents races in different states without knowing the real details of the political environments in those states.

I have written a couple of posts on the importance of building a GOP farm team, identifying targeted issues and up-and-coming conservative leaders in each state, county, and city. Because I have received a lot of positive feedback about this subject, I have decided to contact all of the state party chairmen before the convention to get on-the-ground reports about what's going on in each state and what we should be paying attention to. Here are the questions I've asked them to answer:

  • What are the 3 most important races to watch from any level? (Statewide, congressional, legislative, city council, etc.)
  • Who are the up-and-coming leaders in your state that no one knows about yet?
  • Are there any ballot initiatives that are important to conservatives in your state?
  • Everyone knows that the issues of the day are energy, the economy, health care, Iraq, national security, etc. What are the issues that are unique to your state that John McCain should pay attention to and respond to?
  • The internet and new media have developed new features and facets within many parts of a campaign organization (GOTV, fundraising, communications, etc.) Which one part of a campaign or party organization would you like to see young, Web2.0 savvy Republican develop tools for?
  • Over the next two months, what demographic subgroups should pollsters and operatives pay attention to when measuring progress in presidential and statewide races?
  • What are the keys to growing the GOP in your state?
  • If you consider your state to be a swing state, what unique characteristics about your state might push McCain over the top, or Obama under the victory threshold?

I hope to get some answers soon. I look forward to the good discussion about different ideas that different state parties might have ... as my mother told me when I was little, "Sharing is caring."

OK, back to the party. MSNBC is reporting that Kaine and Bayh have been informed they haven't been selected ... and a police car is in Joe Biden's driveway. Patrick's dream might come true.

Who's the Party Base? (Or, "It's My Party, Damn It")

Mike Warren: Let's get this debate started.

This came about because Katherine and I had a disagreement about who makes up the GOP base, though I guess it would be more accurate to say that the discrepancy came from the question of who should make up the GOP base.

I think the answer to this question really answers the question about who a GOP presidential candidate should appeal to. It may seem like a moot point now that we've had our maverick Johnny Mac in the saddle for months, but, just like the fellas at The Next Right, we're looking toward the future of conservatives and the Republican Party, two groups that, for better or for worse, are intertwined.

Conservatives make up the base of the party, to put it simply. What is a conservative in this sense? I am not speaking strictly in the academic or philosophical sense. Nerds like me read Buckley and Sowell and D'Souza and worry about the philosophy, but normal, everyday GOP voters think in terms of themselves and their families.

What do these people want? They want less government in their lives, national security protection from terrorists and enemy nations, a society that values family, and the chance to be successful in life. These desires just happen to be the very tenets of a successful conservative political group.

If a Republican candidate wants to be president, he must indicate to this base of voters, which populate mainly the South and the West (though not entirely), that the aforementioned values will influence how he will govern. I argue that moderate Republicans rarely get elected unless they appeal to the conservative base.

I've got an altered theory on why moderates have trouble winning. By definition, moderates of any party are not particularly close to the base on average. Moderate Republicans in Congress are such because they often fall into the spending culture of Washington. John McCain, John Warner, Chuck Hagel, Chris Shays, these are the paragons of moderate Republicanism.

They have been in Washington for a while, and they have a Beltway mindset approaching issues. Tax money becomes government's money to be spent with little abandon. Working across the aisle with Democrats makes sense because, after all, they are your friends (how many times have we heard a senator call another "my friend"?). The problem is that Washington is a government city, and liberals are government people, so Republicans working with liberal Democrats nearly always results in caving into their assumptions (e.g. global warming, comprehensive immigration).

Regular people don't live in Washington and don't think like Washingtonians think. They have other things on their mind besides government, if they can help it. That's why conservatives that shun government and praise the free market, the church, and national defense can win; it's about the people, not about the government.

The Republican base that any Republican presidential candidate should seek to appeal to are regular Americans of all races and regions that want to hear solutions that don't involve government. But if given the option of government from the Republicans and government for the Democrats, these voters will either stay home or pick the party that has a better track record running government (even if it ain't that good anyway). To paraphrase Patrick Henry, the GOP base shouts "give me liberty or you might as well give me the Democrats." 

Katherine Miller: Apologies for the delay in debate post; I am fighting off a cold/allergies like a circus person with a chair against a lion. Full disclosure: I will begin by admitting my Washingtonian existence, politically moderate disposition, and subsequent exclusion from the so-called "party base." This entire debate derived out of a disagreement more about what the base should be, so my assertions will be tempered by champagne dreams of mine, I suppose. As Mario says, here we go.

Despite erosion from social conservatives, the actual base remains as traditionally Republican as ever, and against Mike's family-centric model, I will dub mine the Wall Street & Washingtonian base. That's a relatively small group of people -- a small group of people that keeps the economy and politics running. The WS&W is comprised, first, of individuals who identify as Americans, and the guiding principle behind them involves: maximizing individual freedom, while minimizing physical danger. This manifests itself in several ways:

  • A free market, free trade economy
  • A hearty national defense
  • A scientific, metric approach to national issues (healthcare, climate change, etc.)
  • A robust educational system
  • A removal from faith-based focuses on policy (gay marriage, stem cell research)

This is a very policy-based approach to a base, admittedly (strange...I usually don't have too many thoughts on policy). I imagine these people asking themselves two questions: "What must the government do?" and (this is where education comes into play) "How can the individual best be equipped to excel?"

The WS&S is never caught up in this populist hoo ha about outsourcing, the way some in the Republican party have drifted dangerously close to unions and uncomfortably nativist sentiments. Free trade reigns supreme with the WS&S. As does privatization of healthcare and a more metric approach to education (as NCLB began). I know that's a contradiction in terms almost, but superior education for the individual no matter the circumstance, and superiority of American education are critical parts of this base. This is a group of people who sees climate change as an opportunity for American enterprise to advance technologically and develop alternative energies, like nuclear power, in a modern sort of space race of American exceptionalism for private corporations and research groups to develop. "What must the government do?" The government handles the standards of safety, and the courts and justice system maintain a strict, transparent order when the law gets broken.

Additionally, and in some ways, most importantly, my model holds no pretenses of social values. This is such a critical part of what divides the two existing bases in the GOP today. And, while I've heard Mike argue time and time again that Washington somehow strangles politicians with its money-spending culture like a lady of the night, I'm more inclined to look towards "compassionate conservatism." The so-called base includes too many groups and politicians who, at the end of the day, find social policy of greater importance than all else. Values, unlike metrics, are relative.

Perhaps this is an elitist picture of Americans, and capitalist success stories that bundle and trade don't always represent the best of Americans; but the old black-tie, martini image of the GOP isn't exactly dismal, either. It still exists, just amongst a lot more grassroots.

How does a leader relate to and relate this in Washington? Mitt Romney in his governor days came hairline fracture close until he hit the presidential nomination expressway. Rudy Giuliani didn't do too bad of a job in New York. You just need the right ideas and a little charisma, and you can go a long way. The most important thing is to keep the country running like a business: efficient, cost-effective, and capitalist.

Cross-posted at Right-Wing Vitriol 

Where to, GOP?

The first order of business in taking back the GOP from scuz-buckets in office who've been satisfied to outdo rotten Democrats is to identify and segregate [even though that's a baaad word] those in office who've earned support from those that deserve the door, or worse.

Thoughtful ideas will be gratefully accepted.  Hanging is probably not gonna work these days.  But most other methods will be cheerfully considered.

Put on your thinking caps and get back pronto.

UP

 

 

 

 

GOP Group Relationships

[Promoted - this is an interesting basic visualization of the relationship between various rIght-of-center ideological groups.  The graphic could probably be extended and refined a great deal - perhaps a useful project for an enterprising person who has a good handle on the right-of-center coalition, their relationships and graphic design - Jon Henke]

This morning I took out my Visio crayons to play with some set theories inspired by Jon's article The Future of the Right.  Rick's comment recommended that we not forget the missing category of Reagan Republicans, and I thought I should also include another category whom I hope I have properly categorized as "Paleo-Libertarian Republicans".  I'm better at process analysis than political analysis and this is a very rough draft, but the nifty thing about a Venn Diagram is that it leaves very little doubt which groups share common goals, and which group is an outlyer.  You can take the term outlyer any way you like, by the way.  Heh. 

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