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The Right's Political Strategy Resembles the Left's Economics
There’s a weird symmetry between the Right and the Left. It’s difficult to articulate, but it’s becoming clearer to me now. They’re both Keynesians, only in different domains. The Left are Keynesians about economics, the Right are Keynesians about political strategy. The trouble with either is that Keynesianism doesn’t work very well anywhere it's applied.
Lest I lose my reader straight out of the gate, allow me to explain in simpler terms the defining characteristics of what I’ll call the “Keynesian Model.” This model:
1. Deals almost exclusively in macro-level aggregates.
2. Holds that these aggregates are mostly informative.
3. Information can be successfully used for macro purposes.
For example, in economics, Keynesians want to tweak or “stimulate” the economy by raining largess on particular sectors to stimulate aggregate labor demand, say.
But the trouble with this way of looking at the world is:
I. The micro-level is where most of the action is.
II. The devil of the economy is in the details of billions of individual means-ends actions, coordinations and transactions, which makes knowledge mostly local.
III. These details are far to complex to be reduced to aggregates and manipulated to positive effect.
Now, I believe the Left has figured out I-III in the political domain, though sadly not in the economic (indeed, I seriously doubt they care about the micro mechanisms of economic growth at all, as I argue here. Keynesian policies of the Obama Administration are merely a pretext for the end of consolidating power, economics be damned. But I digress.). The point is, the right seems to be under a similar spell, except in their approach to political strategy.
I was trying to get from the abstract to the concrete in this idea and asked my friend Jon Henke. He pulled out important aspects of all this, particularly the unintended consequences:
The Left's Keynesian economic approach attempts to push and pull various elements of an economy in order to boost overall growth. They can give the appearance of succeeding for a little while, but centralized economic decision making creates unintended and unsustainable distortions. Reality always intervenes and the whole thing falls apart. Unfortunately, their solution for that is even more macro-economic tinkering.
But isn't that exactly how Republicans have approached politics in recent decades? They adopt a certain policy because it shores them up with this interest group, avoid another policy because it alienates a demographic, and try to play both sides with other policies because they "can't afford to lose a seat in..." In the short term (e.g., 2000-2004), they eked out the appearance of success (though, not much in the way of actual progress). But then, the whole thing fell apart. And why not? It was an agenda crafted by political Keynesians.
Henke, of course, has a way of getting right to the point.
As I was listening to Ramesh Ponnuru yesterday at the John Locke Foundation, it all sounded to me like so much legacy poli-sci, dealing in aggregates and opinion polls. For example: “Polling indicates…” Or “Given demographic trends, Republicans would/would not have done any better if they had emphasized X issue…” and so on. He was offering a (political) Keynesian analysis of 2006 and 2008 elections. I was looking for something more.
Now, I’m not suggesting the Right throw polling and demographics out with the bathwater. Indeed, there is a lot that’s potentially interesting and useful, especially at the intersection of macro and micro. But the Obama campaign learned to move past legacy campaign strategies and put more resources into distributed networks, GOTV armies and rigorous brand management (creation/perpetuation). In other words, the Left has been busier creating new markets for their messages and learning how to signal to voters rather than merely attempting to figure out “what they want” through guestimates about issues that reduce complex individuals into polisci blurs, subgroups and sub-subgroups. (It also turns politicians into ineffectual ghosts with wet index fingers held aloft.)
Let me be clear: just as in economics, there is some value to polling, stats and other aggregate measures in politics—particularly on the market research side of things. But in order for the Right to start winning again, they’re going to have to invest a lot more resources into alternative models that emphasize creating new markets rather than merely tapping old ones. The new model increasingly used by the Left is, paradoxically, a Hayekian one. This model is not only somewhat suspicious of aggregates, but relies more on what takes place at the micro-level. That model emphasizes means-ends behaviors, group identification, signaling, decentralization, networking, marketing and creating new demand (just like the market does). In other words, it’s much easier to create new enthusiasm for a brand than to try to read the minds of the American people from a schematic. There is no chessboard. There are only individuals. (And BTW, it's easier to coalesce around principles than to wet your finger and stick it in the air.)


Comments
Ore-Ida ring a bell? How about Marie Callendar?
I fully expect you not to understand the significance of Rural electrification, as you're an economic minstrel, playing to the fools who wish to listen.
C is for Capacitance, and that's good enough for me! You can thank Dorgan when your electricity prices tank, as we come out of this worldwide depression.
Because it's easy to find the weak links in the microeconomic chain, and forge them out of macroeconomic principles, when you've got millions of people working on the problems...
Likewise, viral marketing remains marketing, first, and viral second. You've yet to make Republicanism fun, and I dont' envy you that.
Rumbling
I know in your post you make no suggestions, just pointing out how things work. But I wonder how the current GOP would even start functioning if they allowed a bottom up system.
It would mean the overthrow of most of the current leaders who have grown up in a world where they tightly control message. I wonder if this would give the evangelicals more or less power on the Right. What would happen if the general population of conservatives said, "we don't care that much about gay marriage." Far off, I hear rumblings of a turf war coming.
It's not a decision
The strategy is self-selecting. And it would give the religious right less power. Much of what drives the party and drives the religious right is the same kind of . . . thinking(?). I notice that many on the right (religious or not) have a bending need for purity. For the religious it's 'if everyone just followed the bible correctly, life will be good', for the political it's, 'if everyone would just be conservative enough, everthing will be good'. God is mysterous, the economy is mysterous . . . don't mess with it!
The religious right uses that to good effect. You start asking good questions to that crowd and you run into some very nasty defensiveness. Mostly because the doctrine starts breaking down on the micro level, and no one likes to be wrong when they've based their life on what they think is the unerring truth. That's also a big devision in the Rep party. Many of the Goldwater republicans are non-religious . . . or not forcefully religious.
Dems can be religous too, but it'd be strange to find one that takes the Bible literally. Everything is imperfect . . . so why not try your hand at fixing it!
I think that goes along way towards expaining much.
Good points, Jayded
Jayded, good points all. Remember that the Obama campaign had very tight message control (top down) and decentralized activism (bottom up). The most important thing is that they started turning David Brookses and Colin Powells into advocates of hope and change through branding, signalling, and pivoting off anti-Bush sentiments. There is a sweet spot, so please don't let me leave the impression that I'm advocating a totally bottom-up approach. (And this business about turf war? I think you're probably onto something...) I'm still sorting through my intuitions here and how to communicate them. (Help wanted.)
a bottom up approach is the natural haven of the creative class
people who have much in the way of raw talent and an abiding distate for management (even when it's really needed. it's why they tend to make the bestpeople to put in charge of gov't. they can't stand bureaucracy EITHER, so they make less of it!).
the reality is that the top down needs to be able to sift out the good ideas from the bad.
If WHATEVER you do manages to marginalize the fundamentalists and racists, the way the ecoweenies ("no nuclear power" sort, not mainstream environmentalists) have been marginalized by the left, you'll have gained gobs of credibility and power.
which I happen to want to encourage, as I like a two party system a LOT better than a one party system.
Here's to the Modern Whig Party, or to whatever the newest incarnation of "smart businessmen working to streamline the government, using as much as we've already tested in the corporate world" turns out to be!
Imagine a world
Imagine a world in which conservatives cared about policy again. I wonder what that would look like? I wonder what the right-blogosphere would be doing in a world like that?
One can dream.
Interesting Post
I don't think things can change. Or should. This is the beauty of a two party (I wish three party) system. I contend that Dems and Reps aren't that different except for in style or strategy. Personally, I don't believe any one way works for long. That's the problem with systems . . . they're dynamic. So as soon as you define rules for a system, the system changes. However, you are forced to have rules or you have entropy or anarchy.
Republicans have chosen the stratagy of small, tightly controlled generallisms; and Dems loosely coupled microcosms. Reps have a plank and look for a leader; Dems have people with micro causes who try to reach group consensus. Generalizations, but I believe pretty close. Both have their pluses and minuses. In the end, all systems benifit from visionary leaders at the macro level and competant people at the micro level.
But it's kind of interesting to look at that in an economic paradigm.
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Maybe it's verboten to say here, but I believe Obama has very much the same visionary capabilities as Reagan. However, it'll be interesting to see the execution. Clinton (except for his first two years) had great execution. Bush . . . bad on both.
This is a great parallel and
This is a great parallel and you do a great job of explaining it. It takes hard work to make things happen on the micro level which then translates to trends on the macro level. The Left is all too happy to put in the hard work on the micro level with politics through ACORN and endless other corrupt organizations. The macro effect is the deterioration of the culture and principles the country was founded on. This is where the Right needs to grow a pair and combat these people to change the course. They cannot start their efforts from the macro-level and expect any lasting effects.
just curious . . .
Do you believe the bible is the literal truth of god? It's a seemingly unrelated question . . . and I give you my word I'm not the NSA or some liberal group tracking you for further action . . . but I'm curious.
Maybe it's verboten to say
Maybe it's verboten to say here, but I believe Obama has very much the same visionary capabilities as Reagan. However, it'll be interesting to see the execution. Clinton (except for his first two years) had great execution. Bush . . . bad on both. Air Jordan Nike Air Max shox shoes Nike Kobe jordans
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The major problem with
The major problem with Sowell’s post is to claim the risk would be greater under Obama. The risk of terrorists getting nuclear weapons cheap tiffany jewelry